The Influence of the Liberation Theology and the Role of the Catholic Church during the Indonesian Occupation of East Timor

By: Cesar Dias Quintas (Lere-Malai)
First Fulbright Scholar from Timor-Leste and Master of Art in Southeast Asian Studies Minor in Political Science

The East Timorese resistance movement for independence was moved along with the Leaders of Catholic Church against 24 years of Indonesian military brutalities. East Timorese independence would have been difficult without the role of Church leaders in the context of the East Timorese national liberation process. However, neither East Timorese Church leaders nor resistance leaders have yet clearly acknowledged that the liberation theology movement had a role during the Indonesian occupation. They only recognize that the Catholic Church as an institutional contributed to struggle for the East Timorese right for self-determination. They have not yet precisely recognized who was the driving force involving the Catholic Church in the East Timorese political process as a liberation theology movement. From this context, the state and the government of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste should have already officially given national acknowledgment for Mgr Martinho da Costa Lopes (Mgr Lopes) and Mgr Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo (Bishop Belo) along with their fellow East Timorese compatriots. I would argue that the extensive role of those extraordinary Church leaders was influenced by a liberation theology movement which pitted the East Timorese Church against the atrocities and oppressions of Indonesian soldiers. Mgr Lopes and Bishop Belo and the Catholic Church indisputably had contributed to the process of East Timorese self-determination which East Timorese should be considered those Timorese churchmen as part of their national hero.

The Influence of the Liberation Theology

Mgr Lopes and Bishop Belo were eyewitness of the Indonesian’s brutal actions in East Timor. Mgr Lopes studied theology in Macau, which became the basic principle driving him into the liberation theology movement. He had no fear of confronting the Indonesian military and even offered himself to be sacrificed rather than surrender the people he was protecting in his residence. Bishop Belo observed the 1975 democratic transition in Portugal and involved in the East Timorese student organization for independence. Those backgrounds were strongly opened their mind to actively respond what was happening during the Indonesian occupation. These became a basic principle of strongly motivating the two Churchmen involving in East Timorese political process for self-determination. Without the contribution of these two Timorese Church leaders, Catholic Church institutionally would not have been actively involved in the national resistance for East Timorese Independence. “By 1980 Mgr Lopes was on the record as favoring a genuine plebiscite about self-determination.”1 This was another aspect of how Mgr Lopes against his institutional policy by speaking about the reality of East Timorese under the systematic oppression of Indonesian military.

These experiences of the two men, along with their direct involvement with the East Timorese political process, shaped them to become the figures of liberation theology. They often confronted their own spiritual faith and the Catholic Church institution, especially the Vatican. The Indonesian Catholic hierarchy and the Vatican representative in Jakarta supported integration of East Timor into Indonesia. During the isolation of East Timor from the international community, the Church, with its outspoken local leaders became voices for the voiceless East Timorese people. As majority of East Timorese leaders might aware that the Vatican role during the Indonesian invasion was totally reluctant to voice the rights of East Timorese for self-determination. Indonesian military annexation was not self-determination but it was illegal invasion along with well-organized of international conspiracy.

The two bishops (Vatican never consider Mgr Lopes as a Bishop; however, East Timorese regarded him as their Bishop or they used to call him: Amu Bisbu) used the principles of the Catholic faith to interpret the rights of people to self-determination. According to Bishop Belo, “As a member of a people, I take upon myself the mission of enlightening and denouncing of all human situations which are in disagreement with the Christian concept and contrary to the teaching of the Church concerning all men” (Nobel Lecture, 1996)2. It is clear that the two Catholic leaders did not depend on the pastoral works which were they assigned by the Vatican but used their Christian faith to deal with the actual human rights violations. They were eyewitnesses of political violence which victimized thousands of innocent people across the country. The actions they took were based on their testimony from the political violence on the ground. According to Gutiérrez, “The bishops of the most poverty-stricken and exploited areas the ones who have denounced most energetically the injustices they witness” (2007)3. This means the Church leaders could not avoid the suffering of the people and merely focus on their pastoral mission; the people regarded them as their voice and as a moral force for their liberation movement. The human rights violations had encouraged Church leaders to apply their spiritual faith to ease the suffering of the people.

As Catholic leaders of East Timor, Mgr Lopes and Bishop Belo felt driven to act as the voice of people who were unable to exercise their fundamental rights. Furthermore, as indigenous bishops, they probably could not ignore their own people who had been brutally torched and killed. Bishop Lopes was present at the Indonesian invasion, where he could see the military burning property and killings people, the extreme starvation and raping of women in front of their husbands. Moreover, Bishop Belo witnessed removing the bodies and capturing people who had been seriously wounded after the Indonesian military shooting the peace demonstrators at the Santa Cruz cemetery. These phenomena strongly inspired not only Church leaders but many Catholic priests as well involved to become in the political process.

When the Catholic leaders witnessed of the violence, they started to look their tasks at beyond the pastoral mission in East Timor. Nonetheless, the Catholic Church institutionally attempted to maintain neutrality in dealing with the political situation by promoting peace and justice. This meant that Church leaders were not favoring the independence activists but they were attempting to look at peace and justice within a broad perspective; for example, they always appealed to the East Timorese, whether pro-autonomy or independence, for reconciliation and to avoid political violence. The basic concept of the Catholic Church was nonviolence. However, the Church could not overlook its moral duty in face of the escalation of human rights violations enacted on a daily basis by the Indonesia military. The two bishops had to decide whether to keep the Church focused on pastoral work or to side with the people of East Timor.

The Role of the Catholic Church

During the 24 years of Indonesian occupation, the Catholic Church played a vital role in defending the rights of the East Timorese to self-determination. During the period of the Indonesian occupation, about 200.000 people died from starvation, diseases and military brutality. As the only institution that remained when Portugal abandoned the territory, the Catholic Church was transformed into an organization which joined with the suffering of the people of East Timor. The Church constituted a symbol of national unity and identity for the East Timorese. The Diocesan Bishop of Baucau, Basilio Nacimento argued that, “the people have turned to the Church not out of religious conviction…but as an affirmation of their identity. Christianity was one more way in which East Timorese could show they were not Indonesian” (Cristalis, 2002)4. Apart from the resistance movement for the independence of East Timor, the Catholic Church a spirit of national liberation, especially became a voice of the voiceless for those who under Indonesian military oppressions. The role of the Catholic Church was precisely responding to the emergence of a new political regime in East Timor.

In the first years after the Indonesian invasion, the Church was still trying to identity its major task. It faced a difficult period of political transition trying to maintain its neutrality within a political complexity imposed by the Indonesian government. This was a created new political phenomenon and responsibility for the Catholic Church. Because the church was the only well-structured organization after the Portuguese left, it became a source of connecting and exposing East Timorese issues domestically and internationally. Nonetheless, Indonesian bombardments in the territory was destroyed many church buildings and facilities which then could not provide enough assistance to the people along with all foreign clergies who were forced to leave the country. It was almost impossible for the Church to work with the limited facilities and clergy in such a political environment. When Indonesian government banned international non-profit organizations, people became totally dependent on the Catholic Church as a place to find basic human necessities as well as political freedom.

The Church had to defend and accommodate people who were under military repression. In these circumstances, Suharto’s government often accused Catholic leaders of being involved in political activities supporting the independence of East Timor. During this silent war, the two indigenous churchmen, Mgr Lopes and his descendant Bishop Belo were struggling to defend the rights of the people for self-determination. They fought for the people who could not find basic peace and freedom in their home country. There were several assassination attempts on the lives of the two bishops when they kept fighting for peace and justice. In his letter smuggled to the New York Times, Bishop Belo asserted that he, “might suffer the same fate as Archbishop Oscar Arnulfo Romero, the primate assassinated in 1980” (February 11, 1990)5.

The Church which used to endorse the policies of the Portuguese government became outspoken in protest of the Indonesian regime. The Church also became the people’s aspiration and an advocator for the East Timorese during the 24 years of Indonesian military rule. Cristalis reported, “In nearly five hundred years of its history in East Timor, the Catholic Church had never been as popular as it was when the territory was ruled by invaders from a largely Muslim country” (2002)6. The Church had its played largest role in East Timor than during its previous era. This religious institution appeared to assume a new responsibility which confronted with its core mission and became the safeguard for the East Timorese. The Church actively played an integral role in the process of East Timorese resistance for self-determination in achieving the independence of the country.

The political situation transformed the characteristics of the Catholic Church and its leadership into a new phase. Throughout the Portuguese colonial era, the Church not only functioned as a religious institution but was also involved in the power structure to implement government policies, especially education programs in East Timor. It had a major responsibility and became an important instrument in educating indigenous people. Smythe affirmed that, “…the Church with prime responsibility for education in the colonies and it became the principle agent of Portugal’s ‘civilization mission”’ (2004)7. In fact, the majority of the East Timorese politicians were educated through the missionary schools. However, the situation dramatically changed when Indonesia occupied the country from 1975 to 1999. The Church stepped out from its role as a government agent and became an advocate for social justice and human rights. Although, few Catholic schools remained open, the Church had to manage them privately. Furthermore, the Catholic Church of East Timor independently became the archdiocese which was directly responsible to the Holy See (Vatican). This meant East Timorese Catholic Church was no longer under the Portuguese Church hierarchy or Indonesia.

The relationship between the people of East Timor and the Catholic Church had been strongly engaged in the political process. The people considered the Catholic Church as a part of the national liberation for independence, and the Church itself could not be separated from the people of East Timor because there was no other institution that people could trust. The Church had actively and unconditionally responded to people's concern. Mgr Lopes stated, “In the face of the culture and psychological genocide that the Indonesian Army has imposed on us, the large scale deaths, whether directly from the war or indirectly from starvation and diseases, the Catholic Church has emerged as the only one organization that the East Timorese people trust. There is a special and profound respect for the Church. Everything the people know they tell to the priests… With the highest authority the East Timorese Church can say that it knows the plight as well as the deepest aspiration of the people” (Smythe, 2004)8. It was a critical period for the Church leadership, especially Mgr Lopes and Bishop Belo, to carefully balance their religious works with urgent practical anxiety concerning people’s needs and advocating their social legitimate and political aspirations.

With the limited resources and insecure environment, the Church extended tremendous effort in its dedication to the people. It provided enormous voluntary contributions at various levels of service. It had increased commonality and solidarity between the Church and the East Timorese people. However, the East Timorese viewed the Catholic Church not merely in a spirituality and humanitarian context but it had engaged the sentiment of nationalism. This made the relationship between the Catholic Church and the people significantly stronger. Therefore, the Indonesian military regime was unable to separate the Catholic Church and the people of East Timor even though it used many different kinds of manipulation domestically and internationally.

The increasing number of the Church memberships indirectly strengthened the national resistance movements for independence. During the almost 450 years under the Portuguese colonial system, the Church had only 30% membership, but this dramatically increased to 90% within two and a half decades of Indonesian occupation. The Church used to favor the Portuguese government, which was totally reversed during the Indonesian time. The Church and the Indonesian government had different perspectives on their responsibility. The 60% increase in the Catholic population indicated that significant interaction and cooperation had developed between the people and the Church. Smythe argues that, “Church membership became a symbol of Timorese identity to such an extent that there fusion of the religious and the secular, a merging of Catholicism and nationalism” (2004)9. The majority of East Timor’s Catholic population was a major issue that distinguished the region from Indonesia.

People considered the Church not merely as a spiritual institution but also as a representation of people’s resistance. Through the spiritual faith of Catholicism, East Timorese were enabled to translate justices and tolerances into the perspective of national resistance. On many political occasions, people frequently invoked the Catholic Church as a blessing and mediator. The people of East Timor and Catholic Church shared a common concern in many aspects of life. In addition, the Church attempted to create peace and justice in East Timor so that people could respect one another whether Indonesian or East Timorese. On the other hand, the East Timorese political situation demanded that the Catholic Church facilitate and mediate political fragmentation which was created by the Portuguese government and the Indonesian military regime. The Church had been actively vocal for people who could not find human dignity and justice in their homeland. As a result, local clergy were frequently killed and or accused by the Indonesian military forces of supporting the independence movement. The Catholic Church indeed institutionally tried to maintain its neutrality but the many local clergy could not avoid their involvement the resistance movement. Their beloved family members and relatives were killed by Indonesian solders and others took part in the independence resistance. Within East Timorese customs, family played vital role in the community.

Therefore, the author would argue that the Catholic Church was an important component for the national liberation of East Timor from which it cannot be separated. Catholicism had been rooted into the social culture and nationalism of the East Timorese. For instance, when Indonesian military forces abused the Church, there would be a massive reaction which could be turned into a political action. Hence, Catholic ideology had become a part of social transformation into the culture and political process. In his homily in East Timor on October 12, 1989, Pope John Paul II emphasized that, ”You who are Catholics in East Timor have a tradition in which family life, education and social customs are deeply rooted in the Gospel, and this tradition is a great part of your identity” (Libreria Editrice Vaticana, October 12, 1989)10. The Pope was the first world leader to visit East Timor.

The Nobel Peace Prize awarded to Bishop Belo was a strong indication that this prestigious institution recognized the role of Church leaders individually and the Catholic Church intuitionally. The award was given because the extraordinary effort of the two charismatic spiritual leaders, Mgr Lopes and Bishop Belo, in defending justice for the East Timorese people. However, the Church leaders acknowledged that their role could not stay away from Church institutionally. The Church institution and its leaders could not walk alone in such a situation as East Timor’s political situation during the Indonesia occupation. Bishop Belo stated “I regard the Nobel Peace Prize for the work done by the Catholic Church in East Timor, defending the inalienable rights of her people” (Nobel lecture, 1996)11. Ultimately, in order to recognize the role of the East Timorese Catholic Church, people should look at the two important figures of Mgr Lopes and Bishop Belo as the driving force of the liberation theology movement. Without the principle of liberation theology from Mgr Lopes and Bishop Belo, the East Timorese Church would not have been visibly involved in the political process.


During the 24 years of Indonesian military occupation, the Catholic Church stayed firmly with the people of East Timor to defend their right of self-determination. Whatever the political consequences, the East Timorese Church with its outspoken, leadership has extraordinarily contributed to the liberation of the East Timor people. With the anti-violence movement against the Indonesian regime, the Catholic Church generated a valuable prize of services for the people of East Timor to free their country from foreign aggression. Moreover, the basic principles of peace and justice constituted powerful elements of the Catholic Church to deal with the uncertainty of the political situation. That situation and the crises of human rights became major factors in engaging the Church in the liberation process. Although, the Church should try to stay neutral any political situation, this was actually inapplicable for East Timorese Church in such a political environment. Culture differences and human rights violations were the main causes of Church involvement in the political issues to against the Indonesian government.

The Nobel Peace Prize in 1996 for Bishop Belo was exemplified that this prestigious international award acknowledged the resistance of the East Timorese Church in defending peace and justice. Second Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to the East Timorese independence resistance leader, Jose Ramos Horta. This indicated that nationalism and Catholicism had interacted closely in promoting a peace true solution in East Timor. It would have been an even greater challenge to gain freedom without the effort from the Church leaders in supporting the right of self-determination for the East Timorese.

Therefore, Mgr Lopes and Bishop Belo should be recognized as figures of liberation theology in the context of East Timorese theology that put articulating their Christian faith into practice. Furthermore, the people, state and government of Timor-Leste should at least have given national recognition for those two charismatic leaders, especially what they have done along with their dedications for the people and the country of Timor-Leste. The Catholic Church and its leaders will still have an important role in the process of national development, especially in the areas of human rights and justice. I would argue that when the democratic and judicial system of the country is not well- functioned, the Church will probably become an alternative of supporting political stability and maintaining law and order. This has been exercised by the Church during the political crisis in 2006 to extensive assistance for refugees and help government to restore peace and democracy. Nonetheless, the contemporary East Timorese Catholic Church should reflect democratic values (separation of politics and religion) which are written in Timor-Leste’s national constitution.
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    1) Lennox, R. (2000). Fighting spirit of East Timor: the life of Martinho Da Costa Lopes. Pluto Press Australian limited.
    2) Nobel Lecture. (December 10, 1996). Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo.
    3) Gutiérrez, G. (1971). A Theology of Liberation. Maryknoll, NY.
    4) Cristalis I. (2000). Bitter dawn: East Timor a people history. London & New York, Zed Books Ltd.
    5) The New York Times. (1990). East Timor bishop writes of torture. Retrieved Mar. 25, 2009, from
    6) Cristalis I. (2000). Bitter dawn: East Timor a people history. London & New York, Zed Books Ltd.
    7) Smythe, P. A. (2004). ’The heaviest blow’
    – The Catholic Church and the East Timor issue.” Transaction Publisher Rutgers University, Piscataway, NJ.
    8) Smythe, P. A. (2004). ’The heaviest blow’ – The Catholic Church and the East Timor issue.” Transaction Publisher Rutgers University, Piscataway, NJ.
    9) Smythe, P. A. (2004). ’The heaviest blow’ – The Catholic Church and the East Timor issue.” Transaction Publisher Rutgers University, Piscataway, NJ.
    11) Nobel Lecture. (December 10, 1996). Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo.



Carlos da Silva L.F.R.Saky*

Ohin loron, organizasaun internasional balu halo akuzasaun ba membru PNTL sira pratika tortura ho halo aat ba ema (maus tratus) hasoru detidu sira. Artigu ida ne’e mai atu ko’alia kona-ba asuntu preokupante ida ne’e. Artigu ne’e sei haree dahuluk kona-ba konseitu tortura ho ninia istoria iha mundu rai-klaran no iha Timor-Leste, depois da’et ho protesaun internasional Direitus Umanus nian.

Lia-fuan tortura mai hosi dalen latim, signifika suplísiu, martíriu, tormentu, transe aflitivu, bele fiziku ka psikolojiku. Signifikadu verbu torturar mós traduz ba sentidu hanesan, iha dalen português no española (torturar), no ingles (to torture), no francês (torturer), no italiano (torturare) no alemão (foltern). Tradusaun hanesan iha dalen sira rai osidental nian, ho esepsaun dalen alemaun, nu’udar sasukat ida katak pratika tortura hahú hori uluk kedas no ohin loron kontinua nafatin sai mekanizmu globalizadu ne’ebé uza iha rai barak. Ho lia-fuan badak tortura maka aktu violensia ka ameasa ne’ebé halo hosi ema ka entidade ida hodi hamosu sofrimentu fiziku ka psikolojiku ba ema ida ho objetivu atu hetan konfisaun, informasaun ka deklarasaun kona-ba krimi ne’ebé detidu ka suspeitu ida halo ka obriga ema ida hodi halo aksaun kriminoza ida, liu hosi asaun ka omisaun ou ho objetivu deskrimina nia ho razaun rasa ka relijiaun.

Gregu Aristóteles define tortura tuir forma politizada: “ema nu’udar animal politiku” ka “o homem é um animal político”. Ne’e signifika ema bele sai violentu ho kruel tebes hanesan animal sira be lees ho han malu hodi hetan buat ne’ebé sira buka ka kaer metin.

Tortura la’os foin mosu, nia mai hamutuk kedas ho istoria ema nian. Iha fator sira istoriku, iha ninia jeneze (asal usul) ho sukun-tama iha area ida ne’e fundamental tebes hodi bele kumprende di’ak ninia komponente sira kultural, sosiolojiku no politiku. Bele dehan mós oinsa no tansa instrumentu kruel ne’e hetan kontornus malorek no mahahok tebes, to’o pontu ida sai pratika institusional no komponente poder nian no, sosialmente aseita ho razaun hodi proteje no asegura trankuilidade publika, restabelesimentu ordem publika, represaun ho aplikasaun kastigu ba kriminozu hetan aseite, konsuetudinariamente, nu’udar metodu ho prosedimentu, hosi ninia perpetrador ka ezekutor sira.

Rejistu sira dahuluk kona-ba halo aat ba ema ho kastigu todan (cruel ka kejam), aplika ba dadur sira funu (prisoneiros de guerra) nian, mosu iha Otas Besi ka iha portuges Idade dos Metais nian, tinan rihun haat m.K. (molok Kristu). Hahú hosi ne’eba povu sira uza besi iha ninia moris lorloron no, hosi epoka ne’eba maka foin iha informasaun sira rejistadu kona-ba maus tratus ho pena kruel sira ne’ebé aplikadu ba dadur sira hosi funu nian iha Otas Besi ne’e. Wainhira sidade Babilónia domina ona Mesopotâmia (rejiaun ne’ebé ohin loron Irake, Turkia no Síria tuur ba), iha ona mileniu daruak m.K., Hamurabi, liu-rai babiloniu nian, kria ona kodigu lei eskritu dahuluk, iha ne’ebé regula ho duru no makaas tebes vida sosial. Lei ka regras ne’ebé Hamurabi hamosu fo dalan ba kastigu todan (penas severas) ho degradantes, hanesan Talião nian, “matan ba matan, nehan ba nehan”. Iha tempu ne’ebá, seidauk hahú sukun-tama imperialista Xina no Japaun sira ba Mesopotâmia, nune’e maka bele konsidera Asíriu sira, povu mesopotamiu, maka hahú uluk pratika tortura nu’udar dalan ida kontra povu sira konkistadu ka sira ne’ebé lakon funu.

Modu produsaun iha sekulu VIII m.K. maka eskravista (perbudakan), iha ne’ebé la konsidera eskravu ka atan sira nu’udar individuu sira ne’ebé iha direitu, atan sira iha de’it dever ka obrigasaun atu hala’o ordem ne’ebé liu-rai sira haruka. Atan sira hakru’uk (submissão) no tuir de’it (subserviência). Uza maus tratus ka halo tratamentu aat no violensia fizika hodi hasoru atan hothotu sem protestu ka kontestasaun sosial ruma. Iha sekulu II m.K., Roma, sidade ne’ebé konkista ona parte barak mundu osidental, nakfahe ba grupu rua: demokratas ho aritokratas ne’ebé ikus mai hahouris buat ne’ebé bolu demokrasia ho ditadura. Ditadura ne’e maka rejime ka governu ne’ebé sempre rekorre ka kaer tortura politika hodi defende sira nia poder ho nehan no liman kukun.

Iha sekulu V iha mudansa teki-teki tanba lakon ka derrota dezartroza ne’ebé Imperiu Romanu Osidente hetan. Hosi ne’e hahú ho kronolojia Istoria nian, periudu ne’ebé bolu Otas Klaran ka Nakukun ou iha portuges bolu idade media ka idade negra ou iha inglês dark age.  Iha periudu ida ne’e, terror nu’udar lia-fuan korrente ka ne’ebé uza lorloron. Ema ida halo diskursu, manifestasaun ka ko’alia kontra ordem relijioza konsidera nu’udar krime hodi lori sidadaun ne’e submete ba tortura fizika naruk (suplicio), tau iha ahi (fogueiras) ka iha prasa publiku. Funu Santa (Guerras Santas) ka Jihad sira nian, iha mundu árabe, lori Allah ka Maromak nia naran, nune’e mós Funu Santa ne’ebé osidente sira bolu  Kruzadas, sira hotu iha karateristika sira maus tratus ho brutalidade ne’ebé pratika hosi kapturador sira.

Iha rejiaun Valakia, Sul Roménia, iha sekulu XI, Vlad Tepes, konsagradu nu’udar Drakula, hosi sinema ho literatura fiksaun, rekoñesidamente, nu’udar simbolu forsa aat ho tortura nian. Simbolu aat ne’e reprezenta iha aktu ida iha ne’ebé hatama besi iha suspeitu ka dadur nia kidun (ânus) ka iha husar to’o besi ne’e sai iha kakorok, hanesan ema lalar fahi ou manu.

Politika kolonialista ne’ebé dezenvolve hosi sekulu XV hametin liu tan metodu antigu tortura ho pratika eskravajizmu (perbudakan) hasoru povu sira rasa metan ho povu sira lakon (vencidos) funu. Durante sekulu sira XVI ho XIX, iha momentu ho sirkunstansia sira la hanesan, opresaun, pena sira kruel no degradante ho maus tratus nu’udar karateristika sira rejime nian no modu moris hakru’uk ho tuir (submissão e subserviência)  nian ne’ebé obriga ba povu sira kolonizadu ho oprimidu sira.

Iha pajina sira Istoria nian, ita sei bele rejista nu’udar momentu sira iha ne’ebé pratika tortura hanesan sistematika, episodiu hosi ukun-an Estadus Unidus Amerika nian, wainhira, iha 1776, Thomas Jefferson, hetan fiar hodi hakerek Deklarasaun sira Direitus Ema nian ho Deklarasaun Ukun-an nian.

Importante destaka mós Bastilla, simbolu autoritarizmu governu fransez nian monu ka hadau hosi povu ne’ebé koñesidu ho Revolusaun Franseza (1789), sei iha Europa, iha revolusaun sira 1830 ho 1848 kontra nasionalizmu, liberalizmu no sosializmu. Iha Estadus Unidus Amerika, ita bele temi Funu Sesesaun ka fahe malu (1861-1865); no iha estremu oriente, konflitu sira entre ema Xina ho Japaun sira  no ikusliu, iha Amerika Latina, prosesu sira iha sira nia ukun-an.

Momentu sira seluk iha ne’ebé tortura mosu makaas maka iha Funu Mundial da-I (1914-1918) no Funu Mundial da-II (1939-1945). Rejista mós periodu sira entre funu sira tada ho esklozaun rejime sira eksesaun, iha Europa tomak. Nune’e mós akontese iha rai latinu-amerikanu sira, hanesan Brazil, iha Governu Getúlia Vargas nian.

Iha Europa, destake ba periudu sira rejime fasista sira nian, hanesan Portugal iha Salazar nian  okos, España iha Franco nia okos, Italia iha Mussolini nia okos no Alemaña iha Nazi ka Adolf Hitler nia okos. Mezmu antes hosi pratika tortura, Direitus Umanus hetan violasaun sistematiku hosi ezekusaun sira estrajudusial tanba idealizasaun superioridade rasial, ekonomika, politika-ideolojika ka militar (belika).

Alemaña adopta politika ida anti-semitizmu iha ne’ebé manan forma no kulmina ho olokaustu judeu sira, iha kampu konsentrasaun sira ka iha laboratoriu, iha ne’ebé halo esperiensia sira ho ema moris. Paradosal no estraordinariamente, iha Funu Mundial da-I, haree no konsidera ema judeun sira hanesan ema alemaun hotu no nu’udar ema alemaun,  sira hotu tenki kaer kilat hodi defende rai Alemanã ne’ebé sira hadomin. Ikus mai iha peridu entre funu, konsidera sira nu’udar judeus-simitas. Tortura no  hakribi etniku ka rasa ba judeu sira hanesan hatudu di’ak tebes iha filme “Lista Schlinder”, produsaun Hollywood nian, iha 1994. Alemaun sira konsidera ema judeu ka ema la’o rai sira ne’ebé hela ka moris iha rai Alemaña hanesan rasa inferior, tan ne’e tenki buka hamoos hosi rai Alemaña hodi hela de’it rasa ária, rasa alemaun puru no superior.

Periudu entre funu tada ho terror no pratika tortura. Justifikasaun ba aktu sira ne’e ho razaun katak atu hadi’a ekonomia rai sira ukun tuir rejime ditatorial sira nian ne’ebé rahun iha  Funu Mundial da-I. Pratika ida ne’e foin lakon iha dekada setenta, wainhira Marcelo Caetano troka hikas Salazar iha Portugal ne’ebé ramata ho Revolusaun 25 de Abril 1974, iha Portugal, no iha biban ne’eba mós Franco mate.

Iha Europa, ohin loron, sei mosu tortura no oho malu, entre grupu rival relijiozu sira. Ema Irlandia sira hosi norte no sul funu malu no problema ne’ebé sira liu ona iha tinan barak nia laran, la sensibiliza, nem hosi imprensa ho populasaun, hodi para ho funu malu ho oho malu.

Iha dekada 80 ho 90 nia laran, Governu Amerikanu to’o ameasa Xina, tanba violasaun grave sira denunsia hosi organizmu internasional sira proteksaun Direitus Umanus nian.

Iha tinan hira ikus, denunsia sira pratika tortura nian, ita bele temi rai sira Irake (maus tratus hasoru ema kurdu sira iha norte Irake), Srilangka (dezaparesimentu ka lori lakon jornalista sira), Zimbabué (impunidade ka la hetan kastigu ka sansaun ruma hasoru ema sira halo tortura), Turkia (lori lakon no halo ezekusaun estrajudisiaria ka oho ema la tuir lei haruka  iha área rural no urbanu), Marrokos (lori lakon politiku na’in sira ligadu ho Frente Polisario) no iha Palestina (Hamas sira halo tortura hasoru ninia povu sira suspeitu espiaun Israel nian).

Estadu barbaru, selvajeira no violensia hetan mós iha kontinente Afrika, liliu iha rejiaun sentral, tama iha buat ne’ebé Thomas Hobbes bolu “O homem é o lobo do homem ka ema maka asu-fuik ema nian ka homo homini lúpus” ne’ebé signifika hothotu kontra hothotu.

Istoria Timor nian mós nakonun ho pratika tortura, hahú kedas hosi funu sira entre suku ka grupu etniku sira la hanesan, tuir mai tortura la’o nafatin iha kolonizasaun português ho okupasaun Indonezia nia okos no iha periudu golpe ho kontra-golpe ne’ebé Uniaun Demokratika Timorense (UDT) ho Frente Revolusionaria do Timor-Leste Independente (FRETILIN) halo iha 1975 no durante rejime badak FRETILIN nian entre 1975 no 1978.

Antesde malae mutin (Portugal) sira to’o mai iha Timor-Leste, pratika halo aat ba ema iha nanis tiha ona. Pratika halo aat ba ema  mai hamutuk ho funu sira entre grupu etniku sira no klase sosial sira ne’ebé kompostu hosi liu-rai ho atan sira. Porezemplu iha funu, sira ne’ebé kaer iha funu ka lakon iha funu, barak hetan tortura to’o tesi sira nia ulun hatuur iha ai ka au me’ik tutun nu’udar forma ida hodi halo ta’uk ka intimida sira be lakon funu ho grupu sira seluk. La’os ne’e de’it, iha tiha ona inisiu tinan 1970, sei iha Portugal nia okos, wainhira kaer toman ema ruma na’uk bibi, fahi, kuda ka karau, hetan tortura fiziku, psikolojika ho kastigu sosial ida todan tebes. Ema ne’ebé na’uk karau, hetan tortura hosi autoridade lokal no, dala ruma, obriga naukten ne’e tutur ka tara karau ulun ho dikuur iha kakoruk no haruka hakilar “hau na’uk karau” hosi fatin ida ba fatin seluk. Tortura psikolojiku ho sansaun sosial ida todan tebes.

Iha relasionamentu sosial, iha Timor-Lorosa’e hanesan mós iha rai seluk, atan sira la iha direitu ba buat ida, sira iha de’it dever hodi serbi liurai sira. Wainhira sira serbi la loos maka sira simu tortura fizika ho psikolojiku oioin. Ne’e maka modu produsaun iha tempu uluk, tempu ne’ebé kolonialista portuges seidauk sama ain iha ita nia rain no durante sekulu sira kolonizasaun portugeza nian iha ita nia rain.

Iha kolonizasaun portuges nia ukun okos mós pratika tortura makaas. Malae, liu-rai ho sipaiu sira lori xikote ho palmatória baku ema sira ne’ebé la kumpre sira nia ordem. Sira ne’ebé la fo manu moris, manu mate ho manu tolun ba autoridade sira no sira ne’ebé la kumpre di’ak ordem no halo krimi baibain, barak nia kotuk laran ho ain sai naklees no liman bubu tanba xikote ho palmatoria. Maus tratus hasoru dadur politiku sira mós makaas. Sira ne’ebé envolve iha revolta sira kontra kolonialista portuges sira, hetan baku, tuku, tebe iha ulun ho estomagu no besik mate foin oho. Iha eskola mós hanesan, mestre sira nia métodu la dook hosi tortura, alunu sira ulun tos ka faltador sira simu tortura makaas hosi mestre sira.

Iha periudu entre 1975 to’o 1999 mós mosu tortura makaas entre Timoroan sira ou hosi Indonezia hasoru Timoroan sira. Iha 1975, wainhira mosu golpe ne’ebé partidu UDT halo, sira kaer aktivista sira FRETILIN nian barak. Halo tortura makaas hasoru militante ho simpatizante partidu ne’e nian. Baku to’o dolar no oho balu. Ikus mai FRETILIN halo kontra-golpe, kaer militante ho simpatizante barak hosi UDT ho Asosiasaun Popular Demokrátika Timorense (APODETI) nian. FRETILIN halo tortura makaas hasoru dadur politiku sira hosi partidu rua ne’e nian no dadur barak hetan tiru ka sona mate depoisde hetan tortursaun kruel (penyiksaan kejam) ida. Balu sena tama iha bee laran.

Iha ai-laran, iha Governasaun badak (1975-1978) FRETILIN nian, partidu ne’e ninia militante balu, pratika maus tratus aat tebtebes hasoru suspeitu ho dadur politiku sira ne’ebé mai hosi militante ho simpatizante partidu seluk nian ou mai hosi rasik militante ho simpatizante FRETILIN nian ne’ebé deskonfia ka hetan akuzasaun nu’udar reasionariu no traidor. Dadur barak hatama iha fatin sira hanesan fahi-luhan, ne’ebé iha parte Lorosa’e, liliu iha parte sira be ko’alia makasae, koñesidu ho bairi’a. Sunu dadur sira nia isin ho ahi-klaak no besi manas ho mean, kesi iha ai ka tara iha ai depois baku ho ai ho besi. Balu lori fatuk tuda no hakoi moris.

Iha fali okupasaun Indonezia nia okos mós hanesan, dadur sira hetan tortura fizika ho mental oioin. Halo espankamentu hasoru dadur sira, sunu ho sigaru rohan, xoke ho eletrisidade, fokit ain ho liman kukun, futu balu nia liman to’o kotu, lori kadeira tau iha ain-fuan leten depois tuur iha leten durante interrogatoriu, tesi balu nia tilun, sena tama iha bee laran, tau bee iha sela laran hodi dadur sira labele toba, halo intorrogatoriu iha tuku rua ou tuku tolu ka kalan tomak hodi dadur sira labele deskansa no halo violensia seksual ho seluseluk tan. Sunu moris sira ne’ebé deskonfia ka duun buang. Pratika sira ne’e barak halo hosi militar, polisia, Hansip ho ema sivil balu. Atu hatene di’ak liu relatus kona-ba tortura ho maus tratus ba detidu sira iha Timor-Leste, bele konsulta ho Relatoriu Komisaun Akollamentu Verdade no Rekonsiliasaun (CAVR) ho titulu “Chega”.

Timor Lorosa’e durante dekada rua ho balu (1975-1999) iha Indonezia nia ukun okos, pratika maus tratus ho tortura makaas tebes hasoru ema nasionalits sira Timoroan. Nu’udar rezultadu hosi denunsia sira kona-ba tortura ho violasaun Direitus Umanus ne’ebé grave tebtebes, Timoroan na’in rua, D. Carlos Ximenes Belo, Bispu Timor-Leste nian ho José Manuel Ramos Horta, Reprezentante Espesial Conselho Nasional da Resistência Maubere (CNRM) nian,  hetan premiu Nobel da Paz iha tinan 1996.

Hafoin Timor-Leste hetan nia ukun-an, ema hanoin tortura atu lakon ona hosi ita nia rain, maibe lae. Membru PNTL sira hetan akuzasaun barak halo tortura no violasaun Direitus Umanus hosi sosiedade sivil no organizmu internasional sira iha área ne’e.

Iha relatoriu ida publikadu hosi Human Rights Watch, Abril 2006, katak hafoin referendum 1999, polisia Timoroan sira pratika tortura ho violasaun Direitus Umanus no, polisia sira ne’e la hetan punisaun ka kastigu ruma. To’o balu dehan polisia ukun-an nian hanesan de’it polisia sira rejime ditatorial sira uluk nian. Komparasaun ida ne’e ezajerada oituan maibe preokupante ba ita.

Relatoriu tahan 50 ho titulu “ Começos Tortuosos: Violência Policial e o Ínicio da Impunidade em Timor Leste” ne’e bazeia iha sasin ho vitima sira abuzu polisial iha Timor-Leste. Dokumentu ne’e dehan polisia sira uza forsa esesiva, halo tortura no maus tratus ba detidu sira durante detensaun sira. Sasin oioin ne’ebé hetan entrevista dehan sira to’o tama ospital tanba hetan kanek todan.

Brad Adams, Diretor Human Rights Watch iha Asia, dehan nia xokadu tebes ho relatu kredivel sira kona-ba tortura ho maus tratus ne’ebé seriu tebes hosi polisia sira. Foin-sa’e ida konta ba Human Rights Watch kona-ba buat ne’ebé akontese ba nia wainhira nia hetan detensaun iha aldeia ida, besik sidade Maliana: “PNTL kaer ha’u no hatama iha sela ida durante loron rua kalan rua. Sira halo tortura beibeik ba ha’u, rega gas pimentu [ka ai-manas] ba ha’u, baku no fakar bee ba ha’u nia leten. Sira halo ameasa beibeik ba ha’u hodi dehan: se O kontra polisia, O hatene ona ninia konsekuensia. Polisia na’in tolu tama ba iha sela laran, save metin tiha oda-matan, hasai tiha sira nia kazaku depois baku ha’u.  Sira halo parte membru PNTL Maliana nian hotu. Sira ne’e polisia sira halo serbisu kalan nian. Iha kalan dahuluk, sira baku ha’u por voltade tuku ida (1) dadeer, iha kalan daruak por voltade tuku tolu (3) dadeer. Polisia sira halo serbisu kalan hosi ema la hanesan, sira baku ha’u iha kalan rua nee”.

Relatoriu iha leten kona-ba kazu ida de’it, maibe iha kazu barak mosu iha Timor-Leste laran iha ne’ebé halo akuzasaun oioin ba membru PNTL sira. Ita bele dehan aktu sira hanesan baku, tuku, tebe (espancamento), xoke ho elektrisidade, sena tama iha bee laran (afogamentos), halo terus (privação), ameasa, umillasaun (penghinaan), intimidasaun psikolojiku no hahalok sira ne’ebé membru PNTL sira halo ba detidu sira, inklui ida iha Maliana ne’e tama iha kategoria tortura.

Krimi hanesan temi iha leten, hahú hosi Otas Besi to’o ohin loron, hanesan aktu ida ne’ebé grave tebes no preokupa ema barak. Preokupasaun ida ne’e lori rai lubuk ida ne’ebé preokupa ho kestaun Direitus Umanus, iha loron 10 fulan Dezembru, tinan 1948, aprova no halo ona Deklarasaun Universal Direitus Umanus hodi proteje ema hotu iha mundu rai-klaran. Deklarasaun ida ne’e maka ohin loron ita mós kaer tuir, no durante periodu okupasaun ita kaer hodi denunsia krimi ho violasaun Direitus Umanus hothotu ne’ebé Indonezia halo iha Timor Leste.

Depoisde tinan 36 hosi Deklarasaun Universal Direitus Umanus, iha loron 10 fulan Dezembru tinan 1984, Komunidade Internasional aprova Konvensaun Kontra Tortura no Tratamentus ka Penas Krueis, Dezumanus ka Degradantes, adoptada hosi rezolusaun nº 39/46, Asembleia Jeral Nasoens Unidas nian no tama iha vigor iha loron 6 fulan Juñu tinan 1987.

Defisil oituan hodi dada rai-keta ka fronteira entre “tortura” ho tratatamentu degradante ho dezumanu ka kastigu sira seluk. Iha aktu maus tratus ida nia laran tortura depende ba numeru fator balu, inklui natureza no abuzu todan. Tantu tortura komu maus tratus, tuir direitu internasional proibidu iha sirkunstansia hothotu.

Timor-Leste, maski foin ukun-an, nu’udar Estadu membru Nasoens Unidas nian, iha loron 16 fulan Abril tinan 2003, ratifika ona Konvensaun Internasional sira, inklui Konvensaun Kontra Tortura. Timor-Leste ratifika konvensaun ida ne’e tanba aprende hosi esperiensia tempu okupasaun nian ou nu’udar povu kolonizadu hatene malorek katak, tortura nu’udar aktu ida kondenavel no konsidera krimi tanba halo ema sira sofre tortura, barak sai paralizadu, defisiente tantu iha isin nune’e mós  iha mental ka psikiku.

Iha artigu no. 2, Konvensaun Jenebra nian hateten katak: “No exceptional circumstances whatsoever, whether a state of war or a threat of war, internal political instability or any other public emergency, may be invoked as a justification of torture.” Ne’e signifika, ho razaun sa-ida de’it, labele aseita ka justifika kualker tipu tortura ho maus tratus, basaa, aktu sira ne’e nu’udar krimi kontra direitu internasional.

Maski ita ratifika ona Konvensaun Internasional sira, maibe ita seida’uk bele implementa ho efetivu Konvensaun Kontra Tortura tanba sei falta lei oan barak hodi define violensia oin-sa maka klasifikadu ba tortura ka violensia baibain. Ohin loron seidauk iha lejislasaun ka dekretu lei ruma ko’alia espesifikamente kona-ba tortura. Seluk ho ne’e, ita nia ajente seguransa sira, liliu polisia sira, barak seidauk hatudu-an nu’udar polisia profisional tanba hetan eransa ho kultura violensia hosi polisia ho militar Indonezia sira, nune’e mós seidauk interioriza ho di’ak lei ho valor sira direitus umanus nian tanba kapasidade objetiva ho subjetiva ne’ebé limitadu.

Wainhira ita ko’alia kona-ba tortura, ita presiza mós hatene tipu tortura ne’ebé bolu tortura polisial ou inquizitorial. Tipu tortura ida ne’e pratika ho motivu meramente funsional ou instrumental no institusional. Uza tipu tortura ida ne’e ho motivu politiku-ideolojiku no jeralmente pratika iha fatin detensaun ka interrogatoriu ka iha kadeia hosi funsionariu estatal subalternu (ajente, investigador, komisariu, karsereiru no polisia militar) sira, konta ho apoiu disfarsadu ka konveniensia deklarada hosi majistradu sira, membru sira Ministeriu Publiku no autoridade sira polisia nian. Sira tolera tortura ne’e ho baze entendimentu ka razaun katak, iha relasaun ho suspeitu balu, uniku meiu atu hetan prova material no autoria krime maka liu hosi kastigu fiziku ou mental. Sidadaun komum barak mós konkorda ho pratika tortura, ho justifikasaun katak tortura nu’udar dalan ida hodi hetan rezultadu sira satisfatoriu iha kampu investigasaun polisial nian.

Ema balu dehan terrorista sira nia prinsipiu maka hakarak mate, sira la preokupa ho moris ka vida, ne’eduni halo tortura to’o iha ne’ebé mós sira la sei loke ibun. Sira lakohi loke ibun ho objetivu proteje sira nia organizasaun, sira nia maluk no mós garante susesu ba sira nia misaun ho aksaun. Mate ida sem sofrimentu hodi defende prinsipiu ka ideolojia ida hanesan tara bomba iha isin depois halo nakfera kala ema barak hakarak, maibe simu tortura ne’ebé duru, degradante ho dezumanu nem ema hotu bele augenta. Tamba ne’e maka tortura nu’udar dalan ida hodi hetan informasaun, maibe tenki kuidadu, basaa, inosente balu mós halo rekoñesimentu falsu tamba la tahan ba tortura. Maibe tenki rekoñese mós katak kulpadu balu loke ibun no rekoñese nia sala ou loke sai rede  ho planu aat sira tamba efeitu hosi tortura. Tamba ne’e maka admite violensia lejitima nu’udar dalan ida hodi deskobre ho sedu ka lais planu kriminozu sira nian ne’ebé preparadu tiha ona ka prepara daudaun atu realiza, planu ne’ebé ameasa interese nasional ho ema barak nia moris.

Polisia nu’udar aparellu represivu Estadu nian no sira nia atuasaun regulada no uzu violensia lejitima. Susar admite, maibe eziste, iha sosiedade, liliu iha ambitu seguransa publika, iha ezijensia ida ba pratika violensia polisial ka interrogatoriu koersivu hodi hasoru krimi sira kontra estadu ho umanidade. Violensia lejitima uza iha kazu sira estremu ou esepsional ka estraordinaria hodi bele hetan informasaun hosi suspeitu sira ne’ebé ameasa interese nasional ka ema barak nia moris, porezemplu aplika ba suspeitu ka detidu sira ligadu ho terrorizmu ka grupu krimi organizadu sira ne’ebé perigozu no ameasa ema barak nia vida. Estadu maka tenki deklara publikamente grupu ne’ebé maka halo parte terrorista ka grupu perigozu sira. Ho nune’e hodi sees hosi jeneralizasaun no labele aplika metodu sira duru ba ema ka grupu hothotu durante prosesu interrogatoriu. Tenki identifika didi’ak katak suspeitu ka detidu ne’e iha forte ligasaun ho terrorista ka grupu krimi organizadu foin bele aplika medidas koersivas wainhira lakohi koopera ho polisia. Ho nune’e hodi evita ema inosente sira sai vitima violensia polisial nian. Labele aplika kualker tipu violensia, lejitima ka ilejitima, ba krimi baibain sira.

Interrogatoriu koersivu tenki regula ho lei hodi hatene loloos wainhira maka bele uza tortura, uza iha sa situasaun ho hasoru se, nune’e mós tenki define ho klaru metodu ho instrumentu ne’ebé lei admite hodi uza durante prosesu interrogatoriu. Buat hirak ne’e tenki klaru hodi bele halo justifikasaun ba uzu violensia lejitima ne’e no evita pratika tortura ka violensia ilejitima. Nune’e mós tenki defini ho klaru katak, proibidu ba kualker membru polisia ida atu pratika kualker tipu tortura, eseptu unidade investigasaun. Ida ne’e mós so uza de’it ba kazus esepsionais ou estraordinarias hanesan temi ona iha leten, la’os atu aplika ba iha krimi hothotu ka baibain sira. Se iha ita nia rain, la iha aktividade terrorista ka grupu kriminozu ne’ebé perigozu tebes, maka la iha razaun atu rekorre violensia lejitima ka tortura hodi hetan informasaun. Maibe atu evita medidas ka asaun sira estrajudisiais maka la iha sala prepara lei oan ruma hodi regula violensia lejitima ida oin-sa maka bele admite ho ida ne’ebé maka lalebe admite nune’e karik iha loron ruma, terrorista sira atua iha ita nia rain, ita iha ona métodus koersivas legais ho lejitimas ne’ebé bele aplika ba sira.

Violensia ilejitima, baibain, pratika hosi ajente publiku sira ne’ebé iha monopoliu lejitimu ba uzu forsa. Aktu ilejitima ne’e tau iha risku no ameasa estrutura demokratika sira Estadu Direitu nian. Tamba ne’e maka labele aseita kualker tipu violensia ilejitima. Violensia ilejitima nu’udar problema boot tebes ida ne’ebé tenki rezolve hosi sektor barak sosiedade organizada nian. Ema ka organizasaun hosi ne’ebé de’it proibidu pratika tortura, eseptu polisia, maibe tenki ho justifikasaun ida forte tuir lei ka regras ne’ebé iha.

Iha relasionamentu metin entre pratika tortura ho dezempeñamentu aktividade polisial nian. Ne’e la’os polisia Timor nian de’it maka hasoru. Iha kazu barak tebes iha mundu ho forma oioin ne’ebé protagoniza hosi polisia sira iha mundu rai klaran tomak. Ida ne’e mosu tamba situasaun iha sira nia rain, autor sosial barak seidauk moris tuir lei ho ordem, vida ekonomika, politika ho sosial la ajuda sira nia integrasaun ho di’ak. Iha nível internasional mós situasaun balu provoka deskontentamentu tamba okupasaun ka dominasaun ka bolu xoke kultural ne’ebé ameasa rai ida ka rejiaun ida ninia interese komum ne’ebé kria rezistensia no provoka violensia. Buat hirak ne’e hotu maka provoka insatisfasaun sosial ho politika no mós provoka danu ho prejuizu fiziku ho umanu barak ba Estadu ho povu bainhira grupu sira marjinais sira aktua. Terrorizmu mós enkuadra iha kontestu ida ne’e.

La fasil atu implementa tomak Konvensaun Kontra Tortura iha rai sira ne’ebé nakonun ho instabilidade, pobreza, krimi organizadu ho terrorizmu. Timor-Leste situa iha Azia, rejiaun ida ne’ebé sei dominadu ho instabilidade, violensia, pobreza, krimi organizadu no halo fronteira ho Indonezia, rai ida ne’ebé aktividade terrorizmu nian sei aktivu tebes. Ipoteze ki’ik tebes atu Timor-Leste sai fatin ba terrorizmu, maibe jeografikamente ita nia rain situa entre rai boot rua, Indonezia ho Australua ne’ebé sai alvu prinsipal terrorista sira nian. La’os ne’e de’it, ema Osidente barak mós hetan iha ita nia rain tanba hala’o serbisu sira Nasoens Unidas nian ka NGOs internasionais nian. Sira ne’e mós sempre sai alvu terrorista sira nian. Tamba ne’e wainhira ita la atentu ka vijilante, organizasaun kriminozu sira bele halo atake iha Timor-Leste, liliu hasoru ema Osidente sira iha ita nia rain ka uza Timor-Leste hodi dezenvolve sira nia aktividade kriminoza no sai trampolin hodi ataka Austrália ho Indonezia. Ida ne’e bele mosu tamba, ohin loron, ita nia fronteira marítima, terrestre ho aérea nakloke luan no la ekipadu di’ak ho teknolojia sira sofistikadu iha postu imigrasaun, aeroporto ho alfandega sira hodi deteta krime organizadu ho terrorizmu. Nune’e mós ita nia intelijensia seidauk hetan formasaun di’ak ho instituisaun PNTL ho F-FDTL la ekipadu di’ak ho aparellu sofistikadu sira hodi deteta no evita atividade organizasaun kriminozu ho terrorizmu sira nian. Se ita la prepara metodu ho teknika sira di’ak ho efisiente ne’ebé regula ho lei hodi hetan informasaun ida lais no ezaktu hosi suspeitu ka detidu sira ligadu ho terrorizmu ka grupu krimi organizadu sira perigozu tebes, hanesan de’it ita entrega ita nia moris ba kriminozu sira.

Ema barak kontra interrogatoriu koersivu, maibe sira la fo dalan la koersivu ne’ebé efesiente no efikaz hodi deskobre lalais planu aat terrorista nian ne’ebé ameasa ema inosente barak nia moris. Se vida ema ida nian importante tebes, nusa maka labele admite uza método koersivu hasoru terrorista sira hodi salva ema barak nia vida hosi planu ho aktu terrorista ka grupu krimi organizadu sira nian? Se ita la rekorre métodu ida efisiente ho efikaz hodi deskobre uluk terrorista ka grupu kriminozu sira perigozu tebes nia planu, hanesan de’it ita fo tempu ba sira hodi realiza sira nia planu aat ne’ebé ameasa ita nia interese nasional. Metodu koersivu nu’udar dalan efisiente no efikaz ida hodi hetan informasaun, maibe iha aplikasaun dala ruma bele sala wainhira sala alvu.

Rai sira ne’ebé kumpri tomak Konvensaun Jenebra kontra tortura nian maka rai sira ne’ebé moris estável, ema hotu moris tuir lei ho ordem, la iha krimi no ameasa terrorizmu ruma. Timor-Leste ninia situasaun politika, ekonomika, sosial no kultura sei dook hosi rai sira kumpre tomak konvensaun nian. Tamba ne’e, Timor-Leste labele futu metin nia liman ho ain hodi asiste grupu kriminozu sira aktua iha ita nia rain. Amerika ho Europa, rai sira ne’ebé promotor ho defensor Direitus Umanus nian, dala ruma, sira maka iha oin hodi halo tortura ho violasaun ba Direitus Umanus wainhira sira nia rain hetan ameasa hosi grupu terrorista sira. Bele haree oin-sa Estadus Unidos de Amerika halo tratamentu ba terrorista sira iha Guantanamo no Europa paratikamente la halo protestu ruma, tamba terrorista sira ataka sira nia interese nasional ho kria terror ka hamosu ta’uk ba ema tomak iha mundu rai-klaran.

Rai balu asina Konvensaun Kontra Tortura kle’ur ona, maibe sira mós la kumpre tomak klamar ho isin Konvensaun ne’e nian tamba ameasas hosi krimi organizadu ho terrorizmu sira. Ba krimi organizadu no terrorizmu la iha lia-fuan toleransia no, aseitavel uza violensia lejitima hodi bele hetan informasaun hodi prevene aktu sira ne’ebé ameasa interese nasional ho povu Timor-Leste tomak nia moris.

Ohin loron mosu akuzasaun barabarak hasoru membru PNTL sira katak halo tortura hasoru sidadaun sira no membru polisia sira  impune hosi lei. Loos, iha duni kazu balu tama iha klasifikasaun tortura ne’ebé pratika hosi membru PNTL balu, buat ne’ebé la devia halo tamba suspeitu ka detidu sira be ita iha la’os terrorista ka halo parte grupu kriminozu sira perigozu tebes. Maibe mós ita tenki dehan la loos tomak wainhira ema balu haklaken katak membru polisia sira iha impunidade. Membru polisia balu hetan kondenasaun tuir krime ne’ebé definidu legalmente, hanesan abuzu poder, lezaun korporal ka iha nomen júris seluk, ne’ebé konfigura iha metodu ho pratika sira tortura nian. Balu hetan sansaun suspensaun no balu hetan espulsaun hosi polisia tamba pratika violasaun Direitus Umanus sira grave hanesan omesidiu. Balu sei iha prosesu investigasaun nia laran halo agresaun ba sidadaun sira.

Ita mós labele dehan membru PNTL tomak pratika tortura. Tortura ne’ebé mosu la’os politika Governu nian, la’os mós ordem ka instrusaun hosi instituisaun PNTL, maibe nu’udar pratika ida ne’ebé hala’o izoladamente no barak pratika hosi individuu sira PNTL nian. Tortura sira ne’e mosu tamba:

-       Iha tinan barak, hahú hosi ita nia bei-ala sira kedas, to’o iha kolonialista portuges ho okupasaun Indonezia nia tempu, la iha esforsu ruma atu hakotu ho tortura. Pratika tortura sai hanesan kultura ida ne’ebé transmite hosi rejime ida ba rejime seluk. Ohin loron, iha ukun-an nia laran, membru PNTL balu hanoin tortura hanesan aktu normal ida no sira kontinua pratika tortura iha situasaun sira ne’ebé tuir loloos labele uza ona tortura nian, basaa, ohin loron ita la moris ona iha rejime sira ditatorial nia okos;

-       Membru PNTL balu, liliu sira ne’ebé moris iha periudu okupasaun Indonezia nian, hetan influensia makaas hosi polisia ho militar Indonezia sira. Sira balu seidauk hosik mentalidade aat ne’ebé polisia ho militar Indonezia sira hosik hela, tamba sira hanoin so uza violensia ka tortura de’it maka halo ema bele hakru’uk ba sira, maibe sira haluha tiha katak wainhira rekorre violensia halo ema lakon respeitu ba sira maski hakru’uk tamba ta’uk.

-       Seidauk iha lei oan hodi regula ka defini loloos aktu sira ne’ebé klasifikadu nu’udar tortura hodi bele julga no kondena autor sira tortura nian;

-       Membru PNTL barak seidauk domina lei ho di’ak no barak ninia estudus ki’ik, ne’eduni susar ba sira interpreta lei no haketak aktu ida ne’ebé konsidera violasaun ka la’os violasaun Direitus Umanus;

-       Agresividade ne’ebé reflete iha karater ema Timor nian ladun tulun halo kontensaun ka kontrola-an, halo membru polisia balu monu iha pratika tortura wainhira hetan provokasaun ka rezistensia hosi suspeitu ka detidu sira. Sira halo buat ida la hanoin nia konsekuensia ne’ebe bele provoka danus fizikus ho psikolojikus ba suspeitu ka detidu sira nune’e mós ba sira (polisia) nia karreira rasik;

-       Ekipa investigasaun ne’ebé halo interrogatoriu ba suspeitu ka detidu sira la iha koñesimentu di’ak kona-ba halo interrogatoriu ida mais umanu no persuasivu. Sira rekorre metodu ho teknika tortura hothotu ne’ebé sira hatene tamba la hetan formasaun seluk ne’ebé di’ak hodi hetan informasaun hosi suspeitu ka detidu sira;

-       Tortura la’os aktu izoladu ida, no ohin loron sei mosu nafatin tamba faltade empeñu politiku atu investiga, hadook, prosesa, julga no fo kastigu todan ba ida halo tortura ka violensia ilejitima;

-       La iha kontrole sivil efektivu, autónomu no independente ba polisia nu’udar fator inibidor ka satan no preventivu ba tortura ho violensia polisial.

-       Taxa kriminalidade ne’ebé aas provoka mós aktu ho medida sira duru ne’ebé rezulta iha tortura ho maus tratus.

-       Faltade kooperasaun hosi suspeitu ka detidu sira obriga polisia sira rekorre violensia ka tortura hodi hetan informasaun.

Brazil, rai ida ukun-an liu sekulu balu ona, desde 1800. Foin iha 1989 ratifika Konvensaun Kontra Tortura no Pena Kruel sira seluk. Ninia Konstituisaun ne’ebé promulga iha 1988, prevê proibisaun ba pratika tortura. Maski nune’e, liu tiha tinan 9, foin promulga iha Brazil lei ida iha ne’ebé tipifika no halo punisaun ba krimi tortura.

Ita foin maka ukun-an iha tinan 8 (hosi 2002) nia laran, ne’eduni susar ba ita atu halo buat hothotu dala ida. Tenki hahu uluk hosi balu. Ratifikasaun ba Konvensaun Internasionail sira, inklui ratifikasaun Konvensaun Kontra Tortura nu’udar hakat di’ak ida. Hosi ne’e hatudu katak ita deklara ona tortura nu’udar krimi ida. Nu’udar krimi tenki kria kondisaun hodi hapara tortura ne’e loloos, liliu labele kedas aplika interrogatoriu koersivu ka tortura ba krimi sira la’os ligadu ho terrorizmu no grupu krimi organizadu sira perigozu tebes. Atu hapara tortura la’os papel Governu nian de’it, maibe sosiedade sivil ho sidadaun tomak nian. Oin-sa atu hapara tortura?

-       Kria lei oan sira ne’ebé sei falta hodi proteje sidadaun sira ho di’ak nune’e mós presiza define ho klaru tipu tortura oin-sa maka bele admite no aplika ba see no iha situasaun ka sirkunstansia oin-sa;

-       Presiza fo treinu ba membru PNTL sira tomak, liliu unidade investigasaun atu labele uza tortura durante prosesu interrogatoriu ba krime baibain sira, krime ne’ebé la’os mai hosi terrorista ka grupu kriminozu sira perigozu nian;

-       Fundamental tebes investimentu prioritariu iha kualifikasaun no treinamentu profisional, metodu sientifiku ba investigasaun, teknolojia no peskiza sientifika multidixiplinar. Presiza forma profisional sira ho baze polisia nian ne’ebé di’ak basaa, iha kampu ida ne’e maka mosu xoke ho konflitu multivariadu ba direitu ho interese sidadaun sira nian, iha optika respeitu ho promosaun Direitus Umanus nian;

-       Halo deklarasaun iha publiku katak tortura nu’udar krimi, tan ne’e tenki hetan sansaun ka punisaun, eseptu tortura ne’ebé lejitimu no bele aplika ba terrorista ho grupu krimi organizadu sira perigozu tebes;

-       Hola medidas lais no forte hasoru polisia sira ne’ebé halo tortura no kaer no dadur ema arbiru ou uza forsa esesiva hasoru povu, inklui fo sansaun ba ofisial polisia sira ne’ebé hatene iha pratika tortura maibe la halo esforsu hodi evita ou fo sansaun ba autor tortura.

-       Prende, investiga no aplika aksaun dixiplinar kontra membru polisia ne’ebé pratika tortura ka pratika violensia hasoru krimi baibain sira;

-       Hametin liu tan orgaun sira halo supervizaun ho justisa iha PNTL no unidade etika ho moral profisional . Fo apoiu makaas ba orgaun sira ne’e no fo sansaun ba polisia sira ne’ebé la kumpre orgaun sira ne’e ninia ordem ka diretrizes;

-       Fo protesaun liu hosi lei ne’ebé garante testemuña sira nia sasin, atu sira bele fo testemuña loloos, livre  no la iha ta’uk atu hetan trotura;

-       Haberan no hametin liu tan serbisu intelijensia nian hodi deteta no evita aktividade terrorizmu ho grupu kriminozu sira antes manan forma. Ne’e dalan ida hodi halakon pratika tortura;

-       Kria regra engajamentu (rules of engagement) ka dixiplina internu nu’udar sasukat ba autor seguransa sira atu prevene sira halo tortura no bele justifika sira nia atuasaun wainhira uza forsa ka violensia lejitima;

-       Hadi’a kualidade moris povu nian. Wainhira kualidade moris di’ak sei halo  ema hotu moris tuir regras ho ordem, nune’e mós wainhira la iha ona aktividade grupu kriminozu ho terrorizmu ne’ebé ameasa interese nasional Timor-Leste nian maka tortura ka violensia lejitima mós la presiza ona.

Demokrasia nu’udar kestaun ida importante tebes, iha kontestu ida ne’e, violensia polisial, inevitavelmente, produz violasaun grave liu ba Direitus Umanus no sidadania, ne’ebé nu’udar elementu sira rejime demokratiku nian. Funsaun atu manten ordem, prevene no reprime krimi sira, iha limite ba ninia atuasaun, iha padraun sira respeitu ba direitu fundamental sidadaun sira nian, nu’udar direitu ba moris, liberdade, seguransa no ninia integridade fizika ho mental.

Presiza realsa katak violensia ho ninia ambiente  laborativa no ninia atuasaun perkorre, dala barak, iha fronteira ilegalidade. Mezmu iha situasaun sira iha ne’ebé uza violensia nu’udar lejitima, atitude no komportamentu irrefletidu bele de’it interpretadu nu’udar pratika tortura. Bele lori polisia ba pratika efektiva hosi violensia insidioza ne’e, to’o la koñese limite sira presizu hosi ninia atuasaun legal. Tamba ne’e maka presiza defini ho didi’ak metodu ho teknika, nune’e mós instrumentu sira ne’ebé bele uza ho labele uza durante interrogatoriu ba kazu sira esepsionais ka estraordinarias hodi sees hosi pratika tortura ne’ebé kondenadu hosi ema barak.


Timor Leste nu’udar rai ida signatoriu tratadu ho konvensaun sira ne’ebé pune no halakon tortura desde 2003. Konstituisaun RDTL ne’ebé promulga iha tinan 2002 mós prevê proibisaun ba tortura. Maibe to’o ohin loron ita seidauk tau iha pratika, tamba seidauk iha lejislasaun ka lei ruma hakerek espesifikamente kona-ba tortura ho ninia punisaun.

Importante tebes realsa katak tortura nu’udar instrumentu ida hodi reprimi, kastigu, intimida, umilla no oho ema, iha períudu kolonizasaun ho okupasaun Portugal ho Indonezia nian. Maski rejime ditatorial sira ne’e lakon ona hosi ita nia rain, maibe Estadu Demokratiku de Direitu ne’ebé ita harii daudaun sei dook hosi kompletu tantu iha esfera juridika no sosialmente, basaa direitu inerente ba ema rasik lejislasaun la espesifika didi’ak hodi tau efetiva iha pratika.

Iha pratika tortura ho violensia polisial balu hatudu katak pratika polisial ho natureza autoritariu mosu, independentemente hosi rejime politiku. Sira ne’e nu’udar kontinuasaun hosi metodu ne’ebé rejime ditatorial, kolonial ho autoritariu sira uluk uza, iha ne’ebé tranzisaun politika ba ukun-an la konsege halakon tamba kuaze membru PNTL sira hotu sei toman ho maneira hanoin ho hahalok polisia Indonezia nian ne’ebé sempre rekorre tortura ho violensia hodi hetan informasaun. Maski ita nia Governu demokratiku, maibe membru balu hosi polisia seidauk sai demokratiku tamba sei hanoin ho aktua tuir rejime ditatorial sira uluk nian.

Atu ajusta orgaun sira seguransa publika iha realidade demokratika ida, imporante tebes, ba sosiedade hodi hetan ka deskubra  tipu polisia oinsa maka sira hakarak. Polisia ne’ebé ita hakarak maka polisia ne’ebé respeita direitu sidadaun sira nian, polisia ne’ebé ezista hodi fo seguransa no la pratika violensia ilejitima; ka polisia korrupta ida (ne’ebé esplora ema ki’ik sira ka sese de’it) no arbitraria (ne’ebé uza tortura ho estermíniu, nu’udar metodu sira preferensial serbisu nian hodi hasoru povu sira).

Iha planu organizasaun polisial nian, governu define ona, protesaun ba pesoa umana impoem implementasaun vida demokratika, liu hosi partisipasaun direta polisia ho komunidade iha rezolusaun ba konflitus. Filozofia polisia nian ne’ebé tenki kaer maka polisia sira nu’udar garantidor direitu sira fundamental ema nian, nu’udar mediador no administrador sira konflitu sosial, violasaun no transgresaun ba lei; mantem nafatin serenidade espiritu, firmeza iha karater, halo konviviu ho di’ak ka ki’ak kondisaun umana nian.

*Membru Fundador RENETIL

Artikel ne’e hatun ona iha STL Edisaun 26/07/2010




Hosi )* Victor Tavares

Semana ida liu ba Maternus Bere mosu hikas iha imprensa nasional, televizivas no mos diarius ka jornais nasional, hanesan Jornal Nacional DIÁRIO, Timor Post, STL no sst. ne’ebe destaka kazu ex-komandante milisia LAKSAUR, no halo ema boot balun tenke tau ba nian ajenda atu atende kazu ida ne’ebe tuir los mate tiha ona.

Ohin hakerek na’in hakarak sita tuir fali hanoin hirak ne’ebe hakerek na’in rasik soe tiha ona ba publiku bainhira kazu Maternus Bere ne’e mosu fou-foun iha fulan Agostu ka Setembru 2009 liu ba.

Atu reforsa tan deit hanoin ne’ebe soe ba publiku liu ba, kona ba matéria ida ne’e katak, justisa Timor-Leste reapresia fila fali DESIZAUN ESTADU nian ne’ebe, tanba interese Estadu RDTL ho Povo Timor-Leste nian intereses, na’i ulun sira, boot ba nasaun ida ne’e hakotu hodi ultrapasa empate de INTERESSES entre RDTL ho RI hodi hakat liu kazu Maternus Bere.

Iha semana ida ikus, karik autoridades judisiais ho sira nian knaar no poder sinti seguru ona atu hamoris hikas kazu Maternus Bere, tanba besik halo tina ida ona no situasaun rai laran kalma, povo moris hakmatek no paz nian laran, no estadu fo atensaun ba problemas emerjentes seluk-seluk. Ne’ebe autoridades iha sektor justisa loke hikas kazu Maternus Bere hodi desvia opiniaun publika no governantes sira ba kazu ida ne’e.

Maibe, iha biban liu ba, iha ne’ebe Estadu presiza atu hola desizaun ne’ebe importante no oportuna tanba preokupasaun boot ida iha biban ne’eba, no halo ulun boot sira ran sa’e ulun, autoridades sektor justisa fo margens ne’ebe luan ba sira hodi hola desizaun. Tanba, karik autoridades judisiais sira la iha kbiit atu trava desizaun, iha biban ne’eba ka sira husik hela para depois mak kontesta, aprezenta argumentu tun sa’e, buka ema ne’ebe hola desizaun nian sala ho buat selu-seluk tan. Se desizaun liu ba ilegal no inkonstitusional, tanba sa la buka trava prosesu ne’e no husik hela kazu ne’e malirin tiha mak hamanas fila fali?

Hare hosi “time utility” kona ba desizaun ne’ebe Estadu hola antes de 30 de Agosto 2009 ho prosesu ne’ebe Ministériu Publiku hala’o dadaun kona ba kazu Maternus Bere, no mos relasiona ho grau de gravidade kazu ne’e rasik, tuir ha’u nian hanoin desizaun hola iha biban ne’ebe adekuadu hodi responde situasaun emerjente iha biban ne’eba. Nune’e, no mos relasiona ho hanoin ne’e, prosesu ne’ebe MP hahu dadaun sei ladun iha utilidade no impaktu ne’ebe boot atu sistema justisa iha rai ida ne’e iha nian efeitu ne’ebe efektivu ba povo nian moris iha justisa nian okos.

Tuir hakerek na’in nian hanoin, iha rai ne’ebe deit iha mundu ne’e la iha rai ida nian konstituisaun mak perfeita. Tanba konstituisaun la’os adota hosi Maromak nian ukun fuan 10 ne’ebe Moisés simu hosi Maromak iha foho Sinai. Konstituisaun RDTL mos la’os tun hosi Jesus Cristo liu hosi Bíblia Sagrada, ne’ebe ninian imunidade inviolabilidade ne’e sagradu. Ainda mais, ita nian sistema ida agora dadaun ne’e sei dok tebes hosi aplikasaun lei no konstituisaun ne’ebe iha ninian plenitude. Katak sei iha intereses barak mak atropela lei no konstituisaun ka lei no konstituisaun so iha efeitu bainhira ita hotu-hotu iha ona sensibilidade ba ida ne’e. Pior liu tan ita iha konsiensia maibe ho konsiensia viola mata-matak lei no konstituisaun ne’e rasik.

Ha’u lalika halai ba kazu hirak ne’ebe envolve ambitu intereses nasional nian, ha’u apenas refere kazus ki’ik oan ne’ebe akontese bai-bain nu’udar referensia ne’ebe ha’u bele uza iha teze ida ne’e. Tanba, se ha’u temi kazu boot hanesan ha’u nian referensia mak ha’u mos la bele ses hosi kazu indultu prezidensial ba ex-prizioneiru Rogério Tiago Lobato sai hanesan ha’u nian dadus ne’ebe ha’u bele uza hanesan referensia bainhira ha’u koalia kona ba justisa. Embora, desizaun PR tuir ninian direitu prerrogativu, maibe haree hosi konstituisaun ne’e konstitusional ka lae husik prizioneiru ho sentensa ida nível Rogério Lobato nian ne’e sai livre total?

Sa mak Ministeriu Publiku hateten kona ba Lei Pensaun Vitalisia (LPV) ?

Basa, hanesan sidadaun ne’ebe halo parte povo iha rai ida ne’e, ha’u sinti Lei Pensaun Vitalisia ne’e IMORAL. So konstituisaun RDTL ne’e imoral mak LPV ne’e konstitusional. Tanba konstituisaun tenke iha nian abut iha povo Timor nian lisan.

JUSTISA ba individualidades ex-kombatentes no veteranus da guerra ne’e la’o oin sa no to’o iha ne’ebe? Justisa ba ema sira ne’e deit mos klaramente la iha ona ka dok tebes hosi justisa, kuanto mais kazus hirak ne’ebe envolve intereses nasaun seluk.

Fila fali ba kazu Maternus Bere, tuir ha’u nian hanoin desizaun atu liberta Maternus Bere ne’e desizaun Estadu RDTL nian ho razaun ba intereses no estabilidade no seguransa nasional. Basa, problema Maternus Bere la iha duvida katak ne’e problema entre Estadu 2 (rua), Estado RDTL ho Estadu Republika Indonezia. Se mak iha kompetensia hola desizaun ba kazu ne’e Xefe de Estadu ho apoiu husi orgaun soberano selu-seluk, ho kondisaun ida katak kazu Maternus Bere mosu iha biban ida ne’ebe estadu la iha opsaun alternativa seluk, kazu ne’e enkosta estadu entre ba espada nian tutun ho didin naruk. Se karik eskolha espada tutun signifika estadu hili konfrontativu hasoru estadu Insoneziu, ne’ebe promete, iha biban ne’eba, atu taka fronteira no reasaun selu-seluk.

Se karik nu’une’e, mak oin sa no sa implikasaun mak mosu apos 30 de Agosto 2009, liu-liu povo ne’ebe moris iha fronteira. Timor nian vida ekonomika oin sa ho konsekuensia ba relasaun bilateral entre RDTL ho RI oin sa.

Koalia kona ba justisa, ita mos la bele ses hosi realidades katak konsekuensia hosi konflitu ho nasaun vizinhu iha tempu liu ba, vitimas inosentes sira to’o oras ne’e ka nem to’o bainhira deit mos sei la hetan justisa. Ne’e ha’u nian fiar !

Ha’u la’os kontra kumprimentu lei no konstituisaun RDTL maibe, lei ho konstituisaun iha atu kria estabilidade, atu kria bem estar povo nian, atu kria paz no moris harmonia iha sosiedade. Se estabilidade no seguransa nasional la iha garantia tanba ita opta pozisaun konfrontativa ho ita nian vizinhu, ne’ebe iha realidade ita depende ba nia iha buat hotu, entaun diak liu ita la lika ukun an tanba kondisaun primordial kona ba seguransa soberania la iha garantia, tanba ita la kohi rekonhese ita ukun an maibe RI mos importante ba ita nian nasaun no povo.

Kestaun mak ne’e, será ke ho prosesu ne’ebe Ministeriu Publiku hala’o fila fali ba kazu Maternus Bere dadaun ne’e iha nian impaktu ba kredibilizasaun instituisaun Ministeriu Publiku ne’e rasik ka keta pelu kontrariu, deskredibiliza insituisaun ne’e rasik, tanba kestaun se mak los se mak sala ne’e buat inkognita boot ida? No mos presiza atu fo atensaun ba kestaun se mak prosesa se no se mak atu halo julgamento ba se?

Tanba, tuir ha’u nian haree katak desizaun hosi Ministeriu Justisa nian ne’e la’os desizaun Lúcia Lobato nian maibe desizaun Estadu nian. Ministra Lúcia Lobato apenas ezekuta deliberasaun mai hosi altos responsáveis nasaun RDTL nian.

Se se mak altos responsáveis iha nasaun ida ne’e? Klaro la’os Bambang, la’os Gillard, la’os Kolimau ka Zé Brasu lae. Será ke MP lori Prezidente Republika José Ramos Horta ho Primeiro-Ministro Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão ba tur iha banku dos réus ka meja hijau hodi sulan sira iha Becora se karik sira sala duni? Será ke Orgaun Estadu Soberanu PR ho Governu fo multa ba Estadu (MP) tanba karik tanba sira nian desizaun lori nasaun nian intereses hodi hasai Maternus Bere? Ka Estadu (PR+PM) karik sira sala duni, sei selu ba Estadu (MP) tanba sira nian desizaun tuir nesesidades no interese nasaun nian ne’e mak sala?

Iha ne’e mak sei mosu dilema boot ba Ministeriu Publiku, kuantu kredibilidade instituisaun triplamente sei sofre ka afetadu.

Primeiru, kredibilidade MP sei afetadu se karik desizaun ne’e tun hosi PR ho PM no karik Ministeriu Publiku la konsege julga ema na’in rua ne’e.

Segundu, kredibilidade orgaun soberanu rua PR ho PM sei afetadu se karik Xefe de Esatdu ho Xefe du Governu tama kadeia tanba deit sira hakotu hasai Maternus Bere ho razaun intereses nasaun, estabilidade ho seguransa.

Terseiru, Orgaun Estadu Sobreanu rua, Prezidente da Republika ho Primeiru-Ministru, sira na’in rua nian kredibilidade sei sai duvida iha povo no sidadaun nian matan no ema sei la fiar tan sira nian desizaun iha futuru mesmu desizaun ne’ebe boot no importante tanba presedente hatudu katak sira hola desizaun falsu.

Basaa, Ministeriu Publiku mos la bele julga Ministra Lúcia Lobato, ne’ebe hala’o ninian funsaun nu’udar Ministra Justisa nian, ne’ebe simu ordem.

Entaun se mak sei manan iha kazu Maternus Bere ne’e buat inkognita boot!!!

Sa mak Maternus Bere sinti iha Atambua ne’eba?

Lihat... tuu... di Timor-Leste, gara-gara saya yang hanya seorang ex-milisi, Sang Kepala Negara atau Pemimpin Negara Timor-Leste digugat di pengadilan. Hahahaaah... hebaaat khan...!

)* Editor FH!


SYSTEMA ELEISAUN IHA JAPÃO (“Observasaun ba Eleisaun Upper House“)


Timor Leste nudar Estádo Demokrátiku, iha nia systema rasik hodi halão eleisaun geral iha pais independente, maibe, nudar Estádo nebe sei dezenvolve-an hela, Timor Leste persiza duni buka aprende husi systema sira seluk nebe bele beneficía systema eleisaun Timor Leste nian, hodi hadia mekanismu sira nebe ita aplika dadaun!

Artigo ida- neé, hatun ho hanoin atu fáhe informasaun no experiência ruma nebe hakerek nain hetan hamutuk ho ekipa delegasaun, ema nain 5 (husi Ministério Administrasaun ESTATAL) Timor Leste, nebe vizita Tokyo Japão, loron 6 , hahu dia 7 de Julho tó 13 de Julho de 2010.

Governo Japão liu husi orgainizasaun JICE (Japan International cooperation Center) hamutuk ho Governo Indonezia liu husi organnizador ba evento Bali Demokratik Forum (BDF) konvida Timor Leste hamutuk ho paíz Asia sira seluk inklui Australia, Nova Zelandia,hodi hare oinsa lalaok eleisaun ba membro councillors ba Parlamanto Nasional (Diet) no observa prosesu demokrasía hodi dezenvolve no promove systema demokrasia iha Paises Asiatiku sira.

Liu husi forum diskusaun sira nebe agendadu iha evento ida neé, partisipantes Timor Leste nian, hetan experiência lubuk oan ida, Laos deit husi systema Eleisaun Japão nian, maibe mos aproveita tempu oan ruma hodi hetan konesimentu husi systema Estado sira seluk hanesan husi systema Australiano, India, Nova Zelandia, Indonezia, Malázia, Filipina etc.

Eventu ida nee, util tebes ba Timor oan nain 5, hodi aprende no observa systema ka mekanismu sira ba eleisaun nian, iha oportunidade diak mos, hodi konese kultura Japones nian, nomos hametin liu tan kooperasaun entre instituisaun Estado iha paises Aziatiku sira, ho hanoin mos katak iha futuru, bele hamosu network team entre instituisaun sira ne, hodi fahe informasaun ba malu konaba systema no la-laok prosesu demokrasia iha ida-ida nian Estado.

A). Prinsípio Eleisaun iha Japão

Konstituisaun Japones adopta systema demokrasia reprezentativa no garante universalidade sufrágiu, igualdade husi votus noo konfidensialidade ba votus.

Prinsipio sira nee, aplika ba eleisaun sira iha nivel hotu-hotu atu hili membro ba Parlamentu Nasional (Hanaran National DIET), Parlamentu ida nee adopta systema Bi-kameral, / Kameral ba dahuluk maka hanaran House of Reprezentative ka konese ho naran/termo “Lower House” no ba dala-rua maka kameral naran House of Councillors, konese ho termo “Upper House”.

Prinsipiu ida nee mos aplika iha eleisau sira seluk iha systema Japaun nian, hanesan eleisaun ba membro Asembleia lokal no Governantes local nian (hanesan ba Perfecture/atu hanesan governantes ka assembleia Provincial nomos ba Municipios sira).

Prinsipio suffragiu no universal ida nee, garante eleisaun geral so bele partisipa husi sidadaun Japones sira nebe ho tinan superior liu tinan 20 (konforme artigo 15 husi konstituisaun japão).

Após (Liu tiha) tinan 1945 (ka liu tiha segunda guerra mundial) Laiha ona diskriminasaun ba gender, rasa, estatutu social, ka propriedade ka selu taxas, nudar regulamentu anterior aplika no vinkula sidadaun Japão iha konstituisaun MEIJI nia okos.

Nune Óhin Loron ita bele hare princípio Eleisaun Japão, nudar Estádo ida nebe Demokratiku nó laiha tan ona diskriminasaun ruma.

Princípiu tuir mai maka Igualdade ba vótus, Sidadaun Japão nian vótu, konsidera hanesan/igual iha Lei nia oin, no laiha diskriminasaun iha termo politiku, ekonomiku, ka tratamentu tamba razaun rasa,sexu, estatuto social ka origin familiar (artg. 14 husi konstituisaun Japão nian). Ho nune, vótus sira nebe iha eleisaun nian konsidera hanesan deit, (Laiha votus ruma Maka prevalése liu fali vótu seluk).

Ba da-toluk, maka princípio konfidencialidade ba vótus, Estado Japão garante segredo sidadaun ida nian, konaba sira nia vótu, Maske iha Japão iha systema ho naran Voting in Advance, sidadaun bele vóta úluk antes de loron ba eleisaun, segredu vótu nian sei garantidu, no laiha ema ruma sei hatene votasaun ruma nebe halo ho métodu ida ne.

Iha prinsípiu ida neé hakerek nain hare katak util mos ba Timor Leste no hakerek nain interressadu tebes (tuir hakerek nain nia hanoin) iha futuru Timor Leste bele konsidera oinsa aplika mos systema ba eleisaun nebe hanaran “VOTING in ADVANCE“ votasaun antes loron eleisaun nian, hodi assegura ka garante partisipasaun máxima sidadaun Timor oan iha prosesu demokrasía!

Iha systema Japão, wainhira Estádo Públika loron ba kampánha nian (Japão determina eleisaun dia 11 de Julho nudar Loron ba Eleisaun ba membro Councillors/Upper House) hahu anúnsia kampanha públika, dia 24 de Junho 2010, nune, ba sidadaun sira nebe bele justifika sira nia absência (Labele vóta) iha loron eleisaun, lei garante sira nia vótus nia konfidencialidade, maske sira vóta antisipada ka antes de loron eleisaun dia 11 de Julho de 2010.

Princípiu seluk maka Eleisaun bazeia ba principiu Reprezentasaun demokratika, nebe garante katak ema nebe eleitu iha eleisaun sira La-Reprezenta partikularmente populasaun ka klase espesífiku ruma, partidu polítiku ka rezidente sira husi ka electoral distritu ida deit, maibe reprezentasaun tomak husi nivel nasional. Konstituisaun Japão estipula katak National Diet/Parlamentu Nasional tenki konsiste husi membro nebe hili iha eleisaun geral, nebe reprezenta ema/sidadaun Japão tomak (art. 43 konstituisaun Japão nian).

B). Typo ba Eleisaun

Nudar hakerek nain mensiona iha leten, katak systema eleisaun iha Japão ba Parlamantu Nasionál ho systema bi-kameral, hodi hili lower house no upper house, partisipantes Timor Leste iha nia observasaun loron 11 de Julho de 2010, observa eleisaun ba House of Councillors (Upper House) ho total membro ba kameral ida nee hamutuk 242.

Ho kompozisaun tuir mai nee: sidadaun sira sei hili kandidáto ba local nebe uza systema local constuency (bhs indonesia: wilayah pemilihan) hakerek nain observa iha sidade Kawasaki, katak sidadaun hotu-hotu nebe tama ba fatin votasáun, ba dahuluk, sei hili kandidátu nia naran atu ba tur nudar membro ba upper house, votantes sira hakerek kandidatu nia naran nebe sira hili iha kartaun eleitoral especial ida, no hatama ba kaixa vótus nian, (konkluzaun katak votantes sira hili ema/individu ida nebe sira fiar ba, atu tur nudar sira nia reprezentante iha upper house, Laos hili partidu politiku) total membro nebe sira hili ho systema SMD ka System single member district maka 146 deputados.

Liu tiha votasáun ba-dahuluk ida nee, votántes sei ba fali etape da-lak rua maka sei hili fali partidu poitiku, nudar systema nebe konese ho naran Proportional Representation system ho total deputado maka 96 (sia nulu resin sia) ba membro ka deputado upper house. Tuir observasaun hakerek nain, Laiha observador husi partido politiku ruma maka observa ka marka prezensa iha fatin votasáun iha loron votasáun.

Konaba eleisaun ba House of Reprezentaatives (Lower House) ho total membro deputado nain 480, sei hili ho dalan SMD ka single member district ka constituiency total 300 deputados, noó sei hili liu husi dalan reprezentasaun proposrional hamutuk 180 deputados.

Eligibilidade ruma nebe kandidatu sira tenki tuir antes bele eleitu ba membro DIET, hanesan ba Lower house kandidatu ida minimu tenki iha tinan 25 ba leten, nó ba Upper house idade minimu maka 30 anos ba leten.

Tuir systema Governasãun Japão nian nebe adopta, maka sytema Parlamentar, neé katak Governantes mai husi Membro DIET, nune, atu determina se maka sai nudar Primeiru Ministro Japones sei hili/nomea husi konkordánsia ba maioría ida nebe bele hetan husi upper house ho lower house hodi indíka/indigíta Primeiru Ministro ida, nune mos ba Ministro sira nebe sei ajuda kabinete Primeiru Ministo nian, katak Primeiru Ministro sei rona no tétu kandidátu sira ba Ministro nebe mayoría propoin (mai) husi Diet ka Parlamento Nasional.

Nasional Diet (Parlamentu Nasional) iha mos papel importante sira seluk hanesan,nudar Órgaun Estado ho poder halo Lei, Dezigna Primeiru Ministro, Aprova noó nomea Ofisiais nó Governador ho Vice Governador Banko Japão, funciona liu husi nia committee evaluasaun antes de lori ba plenária proposta ba Bills, Decide konaba Orsamentu nebe submete husi Kabinete/Governo, Aprova konkluzaun ba tratadu sira, halo investigasaun relasiona ho funsaun Governo (ex. bele bolu membro Governo atu rona/sosiedade sivil atu halo konsulta, etc).

C). Resultadu Eleisaun ba Upper House

Japão, adopta mos systema multi patidarismu, iha tinan sira ikus nee, mosu partídu bót rua nebe domina eleisaun sira iha paiz ida neé, nebe halao ba tinan 6 dala ida, ho systema nebe permite halao eleisaun tinan 3 dala ida atu tróka membro Diet nian, partído bot rua nebe konesídu iha Japão maka DPJ (Democratic Party of Japan) nó LDP (Liberal Democratic Party), hamutuk ho partido kik lubuk ida hanesan PNP (People of New Party), your party, partido komunista no partido kik seluk hanesan partido kuminto nebe bazeia ba religiaun Budhista.

Iha eleisaun ba house of councillors, upper house, dia 11 de Julho de 2010 resulta, katak Laiha partido ida maka manan ho vótus maioria, ne katak atu forma governo sei persiza koligasaun ka aliansa ruma entre partído sira iha Diet.

Liu husi votu ho systema Proportional Reprezentative ka vóta ba partído, DPJ (Democratic party of Japan) hetan kadeira total 43 (hat nulu resin tolu), no LDP (Liberal Democratic party of Japan) hetan kadeira 50 (lima-nulu). Eleisaun ba upper house liu husi systema SMD (Single Member Distric) ka votasaun ba kandidátu nia naran nebe propoin husi partído sira, resulta katak, LDP hetan kadeira 21, no DPJ hetan kadeira hamutuk 8.

Governo anterior nebe domina husi DPJ (Democratic party of Japan) ho nia Primeiru Ministro Naoto Kan, hetan kadeira hamutuk liu husi systema PR no SMD total kadeira 51 (limanulu resin ida), partido LDP liu husi eleisaun ho systema PR no SMD hetan kadeira 71 (hitunulu resin ida).

Ba Partido DPJ, kadeira 51 nee, La garánte atu bele assegúra kadeira Primeiru Ministro Naoto Kan atu kontinua nia pozisaun politiku nee, tamba mos tuir informasaun husi notisias jornais /tv Japones nebe transimit ba partisipantes iha observasaun ida neé Professor Mikitaka MASYUAMA informa katak, partido kik sira nebe koliga ho DPJ hanesan Your party ka PNP (People of New party) deklara katak sei laiha koligasaun ho DPJ, nune LDP iha mos vantágen atu kaer poder governasaun iha tempo oin mai, maibe konforme notisias ikus nebe hakerek nain assesu katak, primeiru ministru Kan, deklara seidauk hanoin atu resigna-án.

Iha eleisaun ba upper house ida nee, partido kik sira hanesan, partido your party hetan kadeira 10, PNP hetan kadeira 3, no partido komunista husi kadeira 4 tun ba kadeira 3. nuné, sei mosu kompetisaun atu hetan koligasaun hosi partido kik sira, entre DPJ ho LDP hodi oinsa assegura konfiansa husi partído kik sira atu bele kaer poder iha tempo oin mai.

Hare húsi partisipasaun sidadaun Japones, iha previzaun katak, máske estado halo esforsu hodi hetan partisipasaun máxima iha loron ba eleisaun geral, hodi, hili loron feriádu hanesan domingu, (dia 11 / 7 /2010) hódi fo tempo ba sidadaun hotu-hotu bele ba fatin votasáun. Maibe, ba eleisaun ida nee, previzaun hatudu katak, partissipasáun eleitor sira entre 57% tó 58% husi sidadaun Japones.

D). Konkluzaun

Hare ba prosesu demokrasia iha Paiz Aziatiku nian, liu-liu iha Japão, Timor Leste iha oportunidade diak tebes atu aprende no hare besik vantágem ruma hodi tetu/sukat, karik iha futuru bele mos adopta systema ruma nebe sei lori benefísiu diak ruma atu hadia/aprefeisúa mekanismu ba eleisaun/votasáun no buka dalan hodi lori partisipasaun máxima husi sidadaun sira atu bele partisipa iha votasáun ba eleisaun nebe demokratiku.

Timor Leste paiz foun ho prinsipiu demokratiku, sei hasoru dizafiu oin-oin, hahu húsi assunto administrasaun, seguransa, kampanha no loron votasáun, bele aprende dadauk husi Japão, oinsa garante prosesu demokrátiku ida nebe transparente, hodi bele assegúra konfiansa husi sidadaun rasik no komunidade internasional, nune prosesu demokrátiku sei Lão duni tuir nórmas estádo demokrátiku ida!

Japão hatudu mai ita hotu katak, prosesu demokrasía bele lão ho hakmatek, seguru/estável no hetan konfiansa tomak husi sidadaun hotu-hotu, nune laiha tan dúvidas atu tau ses tiha prosesu demokrátiku ho razaun oin-oin, wainhira kaer metin prinsípiu sira nebe hakerek iha konstituisaun, no halão eleisáun ho dalan professional, Timor Leste sei sai ezemplo diak liu ba paiz demokrátiku sira seluk !

Timor Leste bele aprende no adopta mos systema bálun húsi Japão, por-ex. Voting in advance, systema ba kampanha sem violência,kampanha liu husi média internet, brósuras, kritikas konstrutivas husi polítikus sira,etc.

Fáze aprendigâzem sira ba paíz demokrátiku ida, Laos deit liu husi koperasaun entre instituisaun Estado nian, maibe sei lóri vantágen nó benefisísu bót ba demokrasía iha Timor Leste, wainhira ita inkoraga/motiva konesimentu politikus sira nian, bele ho dalan prepara kaderizasaun ba organizadóres partidu politiku sira, liu husi kontaktus nó troka de experiências ruma entre partído polítiku sira iha Timor Leste, ho partidu politiku sira seluk iha regiaun Asia, por exemplo, loke kontaktus no halão vizita komparativu ba partido politiku sira, buka hatene mekanismu de organizasaun nebe professional, prepara systema kaderizasaun partidu nian, managementu kampanha partidu politiku nian, Estrutura organizasaun partidu politiku, método edukasaun ba militantes no simpatizante sira, etc..

Konkretamente, bele hakbesik ba partidu ruma iha Japão hanesan ho DPJ ka LDP, ho Filipinas, Singapura ka mos ba paizes sira nebe Demokrasia Lão iha tempu naruk ona, hanesan ho USA (Partido Demokratiko ka Republicano), Australia etc..!!

Nune, partido politiku iha Timor Leste sei manan experiência, no iha kbít atu bele organiza partido sira ho dalan professional, no ikus sei komprende diak liu tan oinsa implementa valores husi demokrasia ba povu Timor Leste!

Hakerek nain hare katak, Japão nudar paiz ida nebe modernu tebes, dezenvolve nia –àn husi sékulu ida naruk tebes, hahu impériu nebe governa husi imperiu/shogun Japones, nebe iha duni sivilizasaun no cultura nebe ho étika no etos servisu makaás tebes (badinas), ho tradisáun de respeito ba ema nia dignidade nó honra.

Japão nudar pais nebe konesidu ho nia teknología às, rede komunikasaun, transporte, infrastrutura, edukasaun, saude, agricultura, administrasaun ida nebe maneiga ho dalan professional tebes, rekursu humanus ho kualidade ás, em termos de inteligência, disiplina, pontualidade de oras, hadomi noo responsavel tebes ba sira nia knar.

Nuné, Timor Leste bele hakbesik-an ba rain ida nee, no kopera diak liu iha futuru, hodi hasae ita nia kbit no dezenvolvimentu nasional!

Ikus, hakerek nain hatoo “Arigatõ gozaimasu” ba Governo no povu Japones nebe simu diak no kuida delegasaun Timor Leste durante halao vizita iha Japão. Sayonara!

)* Ivo Valente. Sidadaun Dili!
Konsultor Jurídico ba Ministério Adminstrasaun Estatal